Stats from "Our Enemies in Blue"
Posted by Raskolnikov on May 6, 2021, 6:47 pm, in reply to "Try adding something to the conversation, for a change "
This might be long but I wanted to paste them rather than risk my fingers ####ing the typing up; there may be some stray footnote numbers lurking so if you find a number hanging around doing nothing, that is what it is (if it's black you should probably search it though): |
Studies in other states reveal a common pattern. Following a 1995 lawsuit, the Maryland State Police were required to keep data on every traffic stop that led to a search. Temple Universityís John Lamberth analyzed the data from 1995 and 1996. He found that while Black people represent 17 percent of Marylandís driving population and can be observed to drive no differently than White people, 72 percent of those stopped and searched were Black. Fully one-half of the Maryland State Police traffic officers stopped Black people in at least 80 percent of their stops. One officer stopped Blacks in 95 percent of his stops, and two only stopped Black people.
Likewise, a 1999 Ohio state legislatorís review of 1996 and 1997 court records revealed that Black drivers in Akron were 2.04 times as likely as all other drivers to receive tickets. In Toledo, they were 2.02 times as likely; and in Columbus and Dayton, 1.8 times. Researchers with North Carolina State University found that in 1998, Black people were 68 percent more likely than White people to be searched by the North Carolina Highway Patrol. The Boston Globe analyzed 764,065 traffic tickets from the period April 2001 to November 2002 and found that Black people and Latinos were ticketed at a rate twice that of their portion of the Massachusetts population. And once ticketed, Blacks were 50 percent more likely than Whites to have their cars searched. The LAPDís statistics from July to November 2002 show that Black motorists were stopped at rates far outstripping their portion of the local population: 18 percent of the drivers pulled over were Black, while Black people make up only 10.9 percent of the cityís populace. Of those pulled over, Black people and Latinos were significantly more likely to be removed from the car than were White drivers: 22 percent of Black people and 22 percent of Latinos were removed from the vehicle, as opposed to 7 percent of White people. And once out of their cars, Blacks and Latinos were more likely to be searched: 85 percent of Black people and 84 percent of Latinos were searched, as compared to 71 percent of White people.
In Omaha, Nebraska, during the year 2011, Blacks represented 21.6 percent of traffic stops, but only 12.2 percent of the local population. They were almost three times as likely to be searched as Whites (2 percent of Black stops, as opposed to 0.7 percent of White). In Lincoln, Blacks were 3.3 percent of the population, but 7.7 percent of the drivers stopped by police; and they were searched more than twice as often as Whites (3.5 and 1.7 percent, respectively). Hispanics in Lincoln were not particularly likely to be pulled over (5 percent of population, 4.6 percent of traffic stops), but they were searched with disproportionate frequency (2.7 percent, Hispanic drivers; 1.7 percent, White drivers). The Nebraska State Patrol (NSP) pulled over Blacks and Hispanics at rates below their share of the population, but searched both groups more frequently than Whites (1.4 percent for Black and Hispanic drivers; 0.8 percent for White drivers).
The studies show that people of color are more likely than White people to be pulled over, removed from the car, and searched. But they reveal something else as well: Race is useless as an indicator of criminality. While Blacks and Latinos accounted for 78 percent of those searched at the south end of the New Jersey Turnpike during the year 2000, evidence was more reliably found by searching White people: 25 percent of White people searched had contraband, as compared to 13 percent of Black people and 5 percent of Latinos. According to the North Carolina study, 26 percent of those Black people searched and 33 percent of the White people searched were found to possess contraband. In Massachusetts, 16 percent of White people searched were found to possess drugs, as compared to 12 percent of Black people and 10 percent of Latinos.
In Portland, in 2011, African Americans were the subject of 11.8 percent of all traffic stops and 19.5 percent of all pedestrian stops, though they are only 6.3 percent of the local population. They were searched in 12.6 percent of these stops, which is 3.7 times the rate at which White people were searched. Latinos were stopped at a rate below their portion of the population (6.2 percent of traffic and 6 percent of pedestrian stops, as opposed to 9.2 percent of the census total), but they were searched 8 percent of the time (2.7 times the White rate). Again, police were more likely to find contraband on Whites (42.7 percent of searches) than Blacks (30.5 percent) or Latinos (29.8 percent).
Arrest leads to court, and court leads to prison, and the disparities continue at each step.102 According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, at the end of 2010 there were 2,226,832 people in jail or prison in the United States, another 4,887,900 on probation or paroleófor a total of 7.1 million in some way under the supervision of the correctional authorities. That means that 3 percent of adults were under correctional supervision, including 1 in 48 on probation or parole and 1 in 104 in jail or prison. Put differently: almost 1 percent of the adult population is behind bars (962 per 100,000).103 Of those, in 2010, Blacks were 13 percent of the national population but 40 percent of the prison population; Hispanics were 16 percent of the U.S. population and 19 percent in prison; and Whites were 64 percent nationally, but only 39 percent carcerally. For every 100,000 Black women in the U.S., 260 were in prison; for every 100,000 Latina women, 133; for White women, 91. More startling still, for every 100,000 Black men, 4,347 were in prison; for Latino men, 1,775; for White men, 678.105 Doing the math, we see that Black women are almost three times as likely to go to prison as White women (2.8): Latina women are almost half again as likely (1.45). Black men are 6.4 times as likely to be imprisoned as White men, and Hispanic men nearly three times as likely (2.6). By some estimates, one in every three Black men will go to jail at some point in his life.
Taken together, the numbers on police stops, searches, arrests, and incarceration, show a persistent bias in the criminal legal system, one neither explained nor justified by any considerations related to crime. The evidence absolutely contradicts the idea that racial profiling is useful in getting drugs, or guns, or criminals, off the streets. If we insist on viewing the police as crime-fighters, profiling can only be seen as a mistake, a persistent disaster. But if we suspend or surrender this noble view of police work, and look instead at the actual consequences of what the cops do, profiling does make a certain kind of sense; it follows a sinister logic. Racial profiling is not about crime at all; itís about controlling people of color.
I like the bit where a large percentage of white people than black people had contraband (guns and drugs).
"Our Enemies in Blue" is an excellent read; some of the history of the police forces in various U.S. cities is pretty jaw dropping especially where it relates to times that I assumed "things" would be fairly much like they are now (mid 1900s) although if you are cynical I guess you could say they very much are A very good read though.